Every once in a while, a rare and special moment comes when you realize that you are doing more than turning out for just another protest. Instead, you realize that you are in the middle of true social movement. You realize that you are a part of history.

For me, such a moment occurred after I had been camping out for a week at Occupy Los Angeles, sleeping in the middle of downtown LA with about 300 other people. This was not my first time occupying a park, nor was it my first time at a really big protest. After all, we had 1.2 million people in Los Angeles take to the streets to march for immigrant rights in 2006. But this was different.

What triggered my realization was not the constant organizing activity—the crazy demands of six-hour consensus meetings on the steps of City Hall, the steady planning of non-violence trainings, or the constant phone calls from activists around the country. What led to the unique moment was another phone call—one from my mom.

Early one morning, while I was still in my tent at the occupation, my mom called to tell me that my beloved uncle Bernie had died of cancer. A few days later, I flew to rural Wisconsin for the funeral, visiting the area where my mom and her six siblings had grown up on a farm. The small towns in the area are really small. They are towns with little money. At family reunions, my uncles who still live there view my stories of getting arrested at protests as exotic and unreal. In the long car rides between different family events and different potluck dinners, I never expect to drive by a local demonstration. Yet there, where I least expected it, I saw one. In Viroqua, Wisconsin, population 6,000, I drove by a group of people in near-freezing weather, waving signs and standing near a small collection of tents. Their signs had slogans about our democracy, about Wall Street corruption, about greed and exploitation. They said, “Occupy Viroqua.”

I couldn’t believe it. “Holy crap,” I realized. “Viroqua, Wisconsin has an occupation in its town square!”

As it turned out, so did Des Moines, Iowa, where I grew up. I began getting calls from a handful of old friends, many of whom were arrested in an attempted occupation of the State Capitol Building, an action that was on the front page of the local paper for days. They then successfully relocated to another park, where some meetings swelled to include hundreds of participants. I listened to these reports, and I could hardly believe it: “In Des Moines, Iowa?!”

That’s what did it. Viroqua and Des Moines. That’s when I realized that Occupy Wall Street has tapped something that is deep and widespread. It has inspired protest in unlikely places and among unusual suspects, more so than almost any protest I have ever been a part of. It’s not just New York City and Los Angeles and Chicago. Hundreds of America’s smaller cities and towns—places like Des Moines and Viroqua—are having occupations, meetings, and marches. They are witnessing a tactic—the occupation of main parks in cities across the country—that has never been used on this scale before. They are part of history, I realized. We are part of history.

The occupations, although still young, are making an impact. In a matter of weeks, there has been a drastic shift in public opinion. It is the type of shift that we see only in times of crisis, catastrophe, political scandal—or at times when social movements are somehow able to grab the media spotlight for weeks. The focus of the debate in Washington has switched from the deficit to jobs, from cutting social services to taxing the rich. People are talking about inequalities of wealth and income. There is a new mood in the country.

After long refusing to respond to angry customers complaining about their new $5 monthly debit card fees, Bank of America dropped the idea—just days before tens of thousands of people closed their accounts at bailed-out banks (including B of A) in a protest known as “Bank Transfer Day.” The account closings were accompanied by large marches in major cities. Recent tallies suggest that more than 650,000 people have transferred their money in the past two months. My contact at a local community credit union tells me that the influx of new members has been hugely significant for them.

The elections on Tuesday, November 5 in Ohio, Maine, Mississippi, and Arizona also reflected the new tenor of public opinion. Among other wins, progressives scored victories against anti-labor legislation and anti-immigrant politicians. Moreover, media interest in issues of poverty has picked up tremendously. After Occupy LA had started, I received a call from a major media outlet that wanted to do a story about “the working poor.” They found my organization by typing our name, the “Center for the Working Poor” into Google. The reporter wanted to meet some of the unemployed workers to whom we serve food on a monthly basis and learn more about their stories. In the five years since founding the center, this is the first time I have ever gotten such a call.

But the biggest of all the improvements the movement has brought about is that more people around me than I have ever seen before are acknowledging the reality of what Dorothy Day so eloquently called “the dirty rotten system.” They are investing faith in the idea that maybe a new movement can change this system.

In the early days of the Occupy Wall Street, the media constantly asked, “What do they want?” At first I thought, like many experts and pundits, that we needed a clear, focused demand. I thought that without one the movement was not going to be effective. But there were some things that Occupy Wall Street had gotten right, more right than I knew at first. Everyone is so angry at the system. This is the one thing that polls indicate beyond all else: People do not feel that things are fair or that our country is on the right track. So why not just focus this discontent on the right target—Wall Street—and let people shout their thousands of grievances?

Although I would not repeat this strategy, and although it might have been less efficient than I would have liked, few can deny that it has worked. A thousand messages of discontent have created a compelling meta-narrative. The common theme for the multitude of grievances is that our democracy is corrupt with money, that it is not working, and that we have to make Wall Street pay for the mess it has created. Polling by the Times during the first month of the occupation, when news coverage exploded, showed that 54 percent of those asked supported the movement. For people who watch polls, this result was amazing. It was remarkable that so many people even knew about the movement, and it was doubly astounding that more people supported it than did the Republicans, the Democrats, or the Tea Party.

Right now the movement is experiencing a chaotic transition, shifting from a hyper-focus on encampments and occupation to an embrace of different forms of organization and a variety of protest tactics. It is undergoing the necessary and inevitable evolution required to go from protest to social movement.

At the Center for the Working Poor, we have asked– what can we do to support this movement and be part of it? Our participation has been intense to say the least. If you are interested in a more detailed update of our community over the last 6 months (Center for the Working Poor, aka the Burning Bush Community), go to this link. We now have a dedicated bunch of students and activists that we are training in our unique model of nonviolent community organizing.  We meet every week at the Center as an “affinity group” or as Elise calls it, “our magical family.” In addition, we have been doing weekly non-violent trainings for the Occupy movement.

Elise Whitaker is now a full time worker for our community and spends most of her time at the occupy LA meetings. We worked all night at Occupy LA during the raid, and recruited, trained, and formed all the non-violent monitor teams from the Occupy LA’s action committee. On the night the police evicted the encampment, Elise and a student leader named Guido from our affinity group got arrested. Many of our friends were among the 270 arrested in civil disobedience who spent 2-4 days in jail. There were some very intense moments of physical conflict at the raid, and it was definitely one of the most challenging times I have ever had to maintain non-violence within a protest. However, other than a few small incidents of throwing empty water bottles and other such macho antics, the movement stayed non-violent, with almost no property destruction.

Our participation is far from over. We have helped form the “best practices” sub-committee of Occupy LA that is networking with our friends in Occupy Wall Street, Des Moines, Chicago, Oakland, and Colleges around the country.  We need your help in order to keep this movement alive.

We ask for your support so we can maintain our community, which includes providing food and housing for our volunteers at the Center. Please consider a generous donation this season. Please visit our website at Center for the Working Poor.

The Center for the Working Poor (aka the Burning Bush Community) is continuing to live in our balance of communal life, serving the poor, prayer and meditation, and organizing a non-violent movement. Paul Engler has been much busier than is normal—and our jokes about his obsessive desire to plan the non-violent revolution have increased, considering the immense amount of time he has spent pacing the floors while speaking on the phone, coordinating non-violence trainings for Occupy LA, and his daily coffee meetings with activists. He has been spending a few days a week working at a mental health center called the Relational Center. It is a dream job for Paul, for it allows him to focus on developing better training for community organizing and building healthy and democratic affinity groups (aka small groups) to support the Occupy movement.  Paul has been juggling this explosion of activity, while continuing to deliver food to the impoverished families in our network that have been fired for being whistleblowers.

We have a new full-time volunteer named Elise Whitaker who has joined to help with organizing at Occupy LA. Most of all her time has been spent camping out at the tent city around City Hall, and participating in long consensus meetings there. Our good friend, and former Board member at the Center, Paulina Gonzalez, who is now executive director of SAJE, a local tenet rights organization, has been stopping by the house recently in our meetings to help to organize with the Occupy movement.

Sam Pullen has shown up at Occupy LA with members of his church to deliver food and participate in interfaith services with Clergy and Laity for Economic Justice. He has been instrumental in running the house, and he coordinates a project training for members of La Placita Catholic parish to do community organizing around immigrant rights. We saw dozens of leaders from La Placita Catholic Church at our yearly Labor Day celebration with the families we serve. There is an easy consensus that everyone loves Sam and his work at the Church, especially his cameo appearances as the famous Gringo Mariachi. It’s hard to believe that most of Sam’s time has been spent being a 2nd year seminarian at Claremont School of Theology. In addition, he has been working as a ministry intern at First Congregational Church in Pasadena, where he has helped to launch a new progressive worship called Aspire (www.aspireucc.org). Last but not least, we are so happy that Sam announced his engagement to his lovely fiancée, Elizabeth Gonzalez. We wish them blessings as they prepare for their life together.

As usual, we have had several people move in and out of the house. Elizabeth Griswold, a pastor of a progressive UCC church in Irvine, got engaged and moved out of the house to be with her fiancée. We are also sorry to see our long time community member Shoshana Raskas move out but happy that she is moving into a home with her fiancée Pablo in Temecula. While studying feverishly as a masters student at USC, Shoshana has contributed in many ways to our community, and she is reputed to be the best cook of our communal house meals.

New to our community is Stephanie Kimec. She works as a missionary doing immigrant rights work and provides services for the local immigrant community at Echo Park United Methodist Church. Stephanie is so nice and good-hearted that the rest of us feel like jerks in comparison.

We are also pleased that veteran community member John Breckenfeld has returned, who we know well from his volunteer service during our 22 day fast for immigrant rights in 2008 and his participation in our weekly Centering Prayer group. John is a dedicated nonviolent soldier who always does his duty, whether in his job as a fourth grade teacher at a local Catholic School, or in his chores at the house, which include cleaning out the dish rack (thanks, John!).

It seems that the Center is an incubator not only for the nonviolent revolution, but also for healthy relationships, considering the number of our members who have gotten engaged within the last year! (Kevin, Christy, Elizabeth, Sam, and Shoshana—who is next?) We pray that we may continue to make a better future possible by living according to God’s will in the present moment. Come join us for a free smoothie (our special form of communal love) the next time you are in our neighborhood!

The Future of the #Occupy Movement: Solidarity and Escalation

The movement can propel significant changes. But #OccupyWallStreet and its allied occupations still have a ways to go before realizing their potential.

By Mark Engler

Published on October 21, 2011.

A month after it began with a few hundred people marching on Wall Street, the #Occupy movement has grown to include tens of thousands of participants throughout the country and has captured headlines around the world. If it has not yet succeeded beyond its wildest dreams, that’s only because its participants have dreamed big: imagining a sustained popular uprising that could force fundamental changes in our political and economic system—ones that could end corporate dominance and promote real democracy.

The movement can, in fact, propel significant changes. But #OccupyWallStreet and its allied occupations still have a ways to go before realizing their potential. The two issues most pressing as they chart their next steps: solidarity and escalation.

“Co-optation” or Flattery?

Despite great success in capturing the public eye, the actual number of people camped out at the various occupations around the country remains relatively small. While there are several hundred people camping in hubs such as New York City and Los Angeles, overnight participants in smaller cities number in the dozens. What bolsters the power of these encampments is that they are representative of a much wider discontent. Far greater numbers of sympathizers turn out for mass meetings, marches, and online shows of support. And, importantly, more established political bodies—unions, advocacy organizations, and community groups representing large constituencies—have offered endorsements of the growing #Occupy effort.

As more have signed on, some activists have been wary of outside expressions of support. Particularly as Democratic Party officials (including President Obama and Vice President Biden) have said positive things about the movement, some have voiced concerns about “cooptation.” They have argued that outside liberals, “while pretending to advance the goals of the Occupy Movement,” could instead “undermine it from within.”

How big of a danger “cooptation” actually represents is a matter of dispute. In a recentinterview, Chris Maisano asked veteran social movement theorist Frances Fox Piven about this issue. (Piven is author, among many other books, of the landmark Poor People’s Movements and has considered the issue of cooptation at length in her work.) I believe she struck the right tone in her response:

Maisano: [As] recent comments by even the president and vice-president have showed, a lot of the more institutionalized forces on the left like the unions and MoveOn and the Van Jones American Dream Movement are trying to latch on to the protests and turn them into what some people have called a liberal version of the Tea Party. How do you think their involvement will effect the movement? How should the activists at the core of the movement relate to them?

Piven: They should be friendly. They should ask them to do things; they should give them assignments. And not adopt the insignia of these groups as their own. In other words they should maintain considerable autonomy, but nevertheless they should treat these groups as allies, as they treated the unions as allies. But they shouldn’t ever let unions tell them what to do, they shouldn’t let Van Jones tell them what to do. Partly because they seem to know better, really.

So I don’t think that’s their biggest problem, how to deal with their erstwhile supporters.

The danger of cooptation should be put in context. There have been some clearly opportunistic instances of Democrats trying to capitalize on the movement, such as the none-too-radical Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee attempting to build its mailing list through a “I Stand with #OccupyWallStreet” petition. But is it really possible that the Democratic Party would somehow swoop in and “take control” of the #Occupy movement? It doesn’t seem like even a remote possibility.

Moreover, Peter Drier has made the important point that, when it comes to social change, imitation is the sincerest form of flattery. The fact that mainstream figures attempt to co-opt and advance watered-down versions of movement demands (as they did with once-impossibly-radical calls for “a progressive income tax, the eight-hour day, the direct election of Senators, old age insurance, and voting rights for African Americans”) is not a defeat, but a sign of victory. Of course, if activists use this as an excuse to call it a day, that is a problem. But if we treat it as an occasion to push for even greater changes, it is a very positive thing.

Joining Forces, Gaining Power

One problem with the rhetoric of “cooptation” is that it casts the need to expand the movement’s reach in a negative light. It leads figures such as Chris Hedges, in a more-radical-than-thou cri de coeur, to adopt right-wing talking points denouncing allies as “union bosses,” rather than to approach coalition-building in a constructive manner. This is unfortunate. For, while cooptation is something to be avoided, a much more pressing and ongoing need for the #Occupy movement is fostering solidarity.

Before #OccupyWallStreet ever existed, there were lots of people working to fight banks, reverse foreclosures, and challenge corporate power. The problem was that their efforts were isolated and almost universally ignored by the media. The #Occupy movement has created a great opportunity for many of these campaigns to see themselves as part of a unified fight and to receive an added jolt of energy. In return, the more groups that sign on and see themselves as part of the #Occupy effort, the more that movement is able to sustain its status as a growing and dynamic force. It gains greater numbers of participants, more diversity, and heightened credibility.

Many actions that different local occupations have embraced have grown out of solidarity with groups that were already organizing to advance the interests of the 99 percent. As just one of many examples, #OccupyLA joined up with an anti-foreclosure action against several banks and successfully compelled the reversal of at least one foreclosure decision. This action—wonderfully militant and effective—did not emerge out of the occupation itself. Instead, it had already been organized by the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE), an LA community organization. But the fact that the #Occupy movement joined in solidarity was a great boon to all involved. It added a ton of energy to ACCE’s direct action. And, for the #Occupy folks, the positive media attention created by the action generated greater excitement about the City Hall encampment and helped bring a wider range of people to the occupation’s assemblies.

When Piven argued that cooptation is not the #Occupy movement’s biggest problem her interviewer replied, “What do you think their biggest problem is?”

Piven gave a prescient answer: “Spreading the movement. Thinking of second, third, fourth, fifth phases. Other forms of disruptive protest that are punchier than occupying a square.”

She is right. If the #Occupy movement is to remain in the media spotlight and continue gaining momentum, it must escalate. That could involve many steps, including occupying banks, continuing to use direct action against foreclosures, and embracing furtherinternational days of action. Solidarity will be an important part of all of these.

Within the call of “We Are the 99 Percent” is the idea that, while no one can take over the movement—no single individual or group can declare it over or announce that its ambitions have been satisfied—the coalition of those invited to take part is vast. The movement draws power from its reach. And that is no small part of its brilliance.

By Mark Engler
Published on October 5, 2011.

#OccupyWallStreet is evolving. Now in its third week, the protest movement not only continues to grow—it is maturing and becoming stronger in impressive ways.

What started as a few hundred independent activists gathering for a protest on Wall Street, and a few dozen having the resolve to extend their demonstration by camping out in Manhattan’s financial district, has become something much bigger. It has become the embodiment of longstanding progressive hopes that Americans who have been hit hard by the economic crisis—those left jobless, in debt, underemployed, foreclosed, or insecure—would finally get mad enough to publicly vent their outrage at the oligarchs who have for too long perverted our democratic politics and created gross inequality in our country.

The movement is rapidly spreading to cities around the country—to Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, St. Louis, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington, DC., among many others. And it has progressed in some very promising respects. Here are three:

1. The Demand Problem Has Been Solved

Throughout the first couple weeks of the action, the question of whether #OccupyWallStreet had clear enough demands was constantly raised, both by progressive commentators and in the mainstream media coverage the mobilization was receiving. This issue has ceased to be a serious problem because, as the protests have grown, their central focus has become significantly more defined.

During the first week, there was a real problem: When you had just a few dozen people at occupied Liberty Plaza, individual idiosyncrasies stood out. If several of the protesters were Ron Paul libertarians or were obsessed with eliminating the Federal Reserve, another few were 9/11 conspiracy theorists, and several others, when asked by reporters, responded by saying, “We don’t believe in demands,” you ended up with a bona fide messaging crisis.

But that is no longer the situation. The mobilization has now drawn thousands of people who have rallied behind the call of “We Are the 99 Percent.” MoveOn.org summed it up this way: “What do the protesters want? A solution to the jobs crisis, corporate money out of politics, fairer tax rates, and policies that work for 99% of Americans instead of the 1% at the top.”

But you don’t have to take one organization’s word for it. Go to the “We Are the 99 Percent” Tumblr. Read the incredibly moving personal testimonials presented there. Then tell me this protest does not have a message.

For observers who want more specific grievances or detailed policy proposals, declarations now abound, ranging from bold and inclusive statements issued by Wall Street protesters themselves via their general assembly to more modest reform manifestos offered, with only a wee bit of condescension, by figures such as New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof.

Critics who remain preoccupied with the demand issue are missing the point. As Betsy Reed has smartly noted in the Nation, well-formulated lists of proposals do not guarantee that your actions will be taken seriously. (Anyone remember “The May 12 Coalition” or “One Nation Working Together”? Not too many people do, despite strong organization and tight messaging.) Conversely, actions such as #OccupyWallStreet that effectively capture the public imagination and inspire participation despite vague demands can contain great promise—and should be celebrated for the potential they offer.

Ultimately, the movement’s outcry against corporate power is no more diffuse than the Tea Party’s denunciation of “big government.” Protesters do not need to hash out exactly what percentage the capital gains tax rate should be, or precisely how many millions of dollars in student debt should be forgiven, in order for them to have an impact. Like the Tea Party, a broad social movement uprising can do much to alter the climate of public opinion, something that can benefit many different progressive campaigns in the medium to long term. Indeed, many who are running more targeted campaigns (with more narrow and winnable goals) are productively linking up with the mobilization. Which is a second promising development:

2. The Occupation Has Drawn Together an Amazing Coalition

When it started, #OccupyWallStreet was made up of students and independent activists who responded to a call to action that was initially put out by Adbusters but that enjoyed very limited institutional backing. The major organized constituencies of the left—unions, community groups, environmentalists, faith based organizations, and the like—were not part of the mobilization. This was a problem, suggesting that the protests might not have significant reach and would have limited resources at their disposal.

Yet as the actions have gained momentum, the institutional groups have come. Nationally, all sorts have flocked to support #OccupyWallStreet, including but not limited to MoveOn.org and other major organizations associated with the American Dream Movement. In New York City, major unions have declared their support for #OccupyWallStreet, and a veritable who’s who of labor and community organizations are marching to the financial district to show their solidarity.

In just one amazing display of unity among many, the city’s Transit Workers Union (TWU) issued a blistering condemnation of the NYPD this past weekend after police, in the process of arresting some 700 marchers on the Brooklyn Bridge, commandeered three public buses and forced TWU members to transport their captives. “TWU Local 100 supports the protesters on Wall Street and takes great offense that the mayor and NYPD have ordered operators to transport citizens who were exercising their constitutional right to protest—and shouldn’t have been arrested in the first place,” the union president said.

3. The Movement Is Becoming an Umbrella for Economic Justice Causes Nationwide

As the movement spreads nationwide, #OccupyWallStreet is becoming a unifying umbrella under which people outraged about corporate greed can get involved in supporting any number of ongoing efforts to create living-wage jobs, end foreclosures and predatory lending practices, hold banks accountable, get corporate money out of politics, and otherwise promote economic justice and genuine democracy. Much as the Tea Party has served as an overarching brand for conservative discontent, #OccupyWallStreet is giving people the opportunity to identify with a national struggle while advancing causes relevant to their local communities.

In Boston, community groups doing anti-foreclosure actions at Bank of America were able to merge their efforts with #OccupyBoston demands. Likewise, #OccupyLA joined with the United Teachers of Los Angeles in a bank protest during one of its first days in existence. Organizers who have been working on anti-corporate campaigns for months or years now are starting to benefit from the new energy—and new media attention—afforded by a movement that is now seen as a national phenomenon. #OccupyWallStreet, in turn, benefits whenever greater numbers of local drives identify with their overarching effort, when their coalition is broadened, and their credibility as a national force is reinforced by the local buy-in.

The potential for expanding this type of solidarity is great, and it is likely that more groups will be linking up their campaigns in the days and weeks to come. Fortunately, #OccupyWallStreet, which has already made some remarkable strides, is evolving still.

Occupy Wall Street Poster

#OccupyWallStreet protests are now well into their second week, and they are increasingly capturing the public spotlight. This is because, whatever limitations their occupation has, the protesters have done many things right.

I will admit that I was skeptical about the #OccupyWallStreet effort when it was getting started. My main concerns were the limited number of participants and the lack of coalition building. One of the things that was most exciting about the protests in Madison—and the global justice protests of old such as Seattle and A16—was that they brought together a wide range of constituencies, suggesting what a broad, inclusive progressive movement might look like. You had student activists and unaffiliated anarchists, sure; but you also had major institutional constituencies including the labor movement, environmentalists, faith-based organizations, and community groups. The solidarity was powerful. And, in the context of a broader coalition, the militancy, creativity, and artistic contributions of the autonomist factions made up for their lack of an organized membership base.

With #OccupyWallStreet the protest did not draw in any of the major institutional players on the left. Participants have come independently—mostly from anarchist and student activist circles—and turnout has been limited. Some of the higher estimates for the first day’s gathering suggest that a thousand people might have been there, and only a few hundred have been camping out.

That said, this relatively small group has been holding strong. As their message has gained traction—first in the alternative media, and then in mainstream news sources—they have drawn wider interest. On Tuesday night, Cornel West visited the occupied Zuccotti Park and spoke to an audience estimated at 2000. Rallies planned for later in the week will likely attract larger crowds. People will come because the occupation is now a hot story.

#OccupyWallStreet has accomplished a great deal in the past week and a half, with virtually no resources. The following are some of the things the participants have done that allowed what might have been a negligible and insignificant protest to achieve a remarkable level of success:

1. They chose the right target.

The #OccupyWallStreet protesters have been often criticized for not having clear demands. They endured a particularly annoying cheap shot from New York Times writer Ginia Bellafante, who (quoting a stockbroker sympathetically) resurrected the old canard that no one who uses an Apple computer can possibly say anything critical about capitalism. Such charges are as predictable as the tides. Media commentators love to condescend to protesters, and they endlessly recycle criticism of protests being naïve and unfocused.

I am among those who believe that the occupation would have benefited from having clearer demands at the outset—and that these would have been helpful in shaping the endgame that is to come. But protesters have largely overcome the lack of a particularly well-defined messaging strategy by doing something very important: choosing the right target.

Few institutions in our society are more in need of condemnation than the big banks and stockbrokers based where the critics are now camped. “Why are people protesting Wall Street?” For anyone who has lived through the recent economic collapse and the ongoing crises of foreclosure and unemployment, this question almost answers itself.

The protest’s initial call to action repeatedly stressed the need to get Wall Street money out of politics, demanding “Democracy not Corporatocracy.” Since then, many protesters have been emphasizing the idea that “We Are the 99 Percent” being screwed by the country’s wealthiest 1 percent. At Salon, Glenn Greenwald writes:

Does anyone really not know what the basic message is of this protest: that Wall Street is oozing corruption and criminality and its unrestrained political power—in the form of crony capitalism and ownership of political institutions—is destroying financial security for everyone else?
….
So, yes, the people willing to engage in protests like these at the start may lack (or reject the need for) media strategies, organizational hierarchies, and messaging theories.  But they’re among the very few people trying to channel widespread anger into activism rather than resignation, and thus deserve support and encouragement—and help—from anyone claiming to be sympathetic to their underlying message.

Notably, young protesters have been able to convey the idea that their generation, in particular, has been betrayed by our economy. This idea was picked up in remarkably hard-hitting commentary at MarketWatch.com, which reads like more like something you’d expect to find in the socialist press than on a business website:

[A]sk yourself how you might act if you were in school or fresh out of it or young and unemployed. What future has Wall Street, the heart and brain of our capitalist country, promised you? How does it feel to be the sons, daughters and grand kids of a “me” generation that’s run up the debt and run down the economy?Unemployment is between 13% and 25% for people under 25. Student loans are defaulting at about 15% at a time when more young people have no alternative but to borrow to pay for school.

Meanwhile, Wall Street bonuses continue to be paid at close to all-time highs. Lloyd Blankfein, the chief executive of Goldman Sachs Group Inc. (NYSE:GS), took home $13.2 million last year, including a $3.2 million raise.

Such a message resonates with many, and protesters did something important to attract them:

2. They made a great poster.

I write this partially in jest. There is a joke among labor organizers that if you are spending all your time obsessing over the quality of your posters or handouts, rather than going out to actually talk to people, you are in big trouble.

In this case, however, there’s some truth to the idea that posters matter. When you’re not mobilizing an established organizational membership, but rather trying to capture the imagination of unaffiliated activists, protest planning is more akin to promoting a concert than staging a workplace strike. And if you’re doing that kind of promotion, how cool your call to arms is makes a difference.

#OccupyWallStreet has benefited from a series of great posters and promotional materials. Foremost among them is a lovely depiction of a ballerina dancing on top of Wall Street’s famous bull statue, created by the veteran leftist image-makers at Adbusters. The text below the bull reads simply: “#OccupyWallStreet. September 17th. Bring tent.”

The poster hinted that the event would be exciting and creative and audacious. It suggested that culture jamming and dissident art would be part of the adventure. And it pointed to another thing the protesters did right:

3. They gave their action time to build.

Most protests take place for one afternoon and then are finished. Had #OccupyWallStreet done the same, it would already have been forgotten.

Instead, planners told participants to get ready to camp out. The event operated on the premise that challenging Wall Street would take a while, and that things would build with time. In fact, this is exactly what has happened. It took a few days for alternative press sources to catch on, but now the occupation is a leading story at outlets such as Democracy Now.

The extended timeframe for the protest has allowed for the drama of direct action to deepen, which is my next point about the protesters:

4. They created a good scenario for conflict.

By claiming space in Zuccotti Park (also known as Liberty Plaza), #OccupyWallStreet set up an action scenario that has effectively created suspense and generated interest over time.

Participants there have invoked Tahrir Square. On the one hand, the comparison is silly, but on the other hand, the fact that occupations of public space have taken on a new significance in the past year is another thing that made #OccupyWallStreet a good idea. If the authorities allow them to continue camping out in lower Manhattan, the protesters can claim victory for their experiment in “liberated space.” Of course, everyone expects that police will eventually swoop in and clear the park. But, contrary to what some people think, civil disobedients have long known that arrests do not work against the movement. Rather, they illustrate that participants are willing to make real sacrifices to speak out against Wall Street’s evils.

The fact that police have used undue force (in one now-famous incident, pepper spraying women who were already detained in a mesh police pen and clearly doing nothing to resist arrest) only reinforces this message.

When will the police finally come and clear out the occupation’s encampment? We don’t know. And the very question creates further suspense and allows the protest to continue gaining momentum.

5. They are using their momentum to escalate.

Lastly, but probably most importantly, the #OccupyWallStreet effort is using its success at garnering attention in the past week and a half to go even bigger. Their action is creating offshoots, with solidarity protests (#OccupyBoston, #OccupyLA) now gathering in many other cities. Protesters in Liberty Plaza are encouraging more participants to join them. And they are preparing more people to risk arrest or other police reprisal.

It might seem obvious that a protest movement would treat a successful event as an occasion to escalate. But, in fact, it is quite rare. More established organizations are almost invariably afraid to do so: afraid of legal repercussions, afraid of the resources it would require to sustain involvement, afraid of bad press or other negative outcomes. Such timidity is anathema to strategies of nonviolent direct action.

In this respect, the fact that #OccupyWallStreet has not relied on established progressive organizations ends up being a strength. Its independent participants are inspired by the increasing attention their critique of Wall Street is getting, and they are willing to make greater sacrifices now that their action has begun to capture the public imagination.

This can only be regarded as a positive development. For the more that people in this country are talking about why outraged citizens would set up camp in the capital of our nation’s financial sector, the better off we will be. #OccupyWallStreet protesters have gotten that much right.

You can follow Mark on Facebook here: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Engler-Democracy-Uprising/117982368212095

http://dissentmagazine.org/atw.php?id=563

The Christmas story is an embodiment of hope: that from the most unexpected place will come a new leader and a new teaching which can lead to healing and liberation. Mary and Joseph, the three kings, and all the witnesses of the birth of Christ are all just radically following the Spirit with hope that great things will come to pass. Granted, sometimes it helps to have angels appear and tell you what to do. But, it is still a leap to act on the belief that if we surrender moment to moment, if we follow the spirit through the desert day after day, great and amazing things will come to pass. This type of hope is one of intuitive decision-making, the leadership style of mystics, which we strive to emulate at the Center for the Working Poor (aka the Burning Bush Community).

In contrast, my training as both an organizer and critic of organizations encourages constant falling back into doubt, and wanting to be attached to well thought-out plans of my own making. However, the reality separate from my mind, my will, and my doubt is beautiful to behold. We run on a slim budget of $35,000 a year, which is lower than any standard for the non-profit world, and we have only volunteers with $200 a month stipends. Yet, we still consistently feed the impoverished families in our program and are available in their lives when they call. We can not do great things of our own will, unlike the organizations and institutions I have worked for with millions in revenue. However, if we throw out our plans and listen to the call, in the right moments – with the help of the Spirit – we can do things they would scarcely attempt. ?

We coached undocumented students who were fasting for weeks for a chance to stay in school. We trained homeowners who were fighting their evictions and for a fair deal with bailed-out banks. We showed up at just the right time when hope was lost for a teenager with a troubled past in jail. We helped him find his first job to support himself and his family. He was rejected again and again until Sam was able to coach him on how to tell his story with strength and redemption.

I still have a greater hope that if we continue to listen and throw our hyper-organizational plans to the wind we will be part of a new nonviolent social movement. Already, I’ve been surprised by what we have accomplished following the Spirit. I never imagined that within our 5 years of existence we would have been the leaders (or architects) of the largest civil disobedience in Los Angeles history. for living wages and immigrant rights of a 22 day fast of a dozen people with hundreds sleeping over night in our tent city in a downtown park, or of an outbreak of hundreds of people taking over health insurance offices in 20 cities demanding care for those dying without it. It is now easier – even without angels appearing – to hope that more will come if only we can survive another year.

However, it still difficult for me, after all this time, to carry the hope that the Spirit will take care of us financially and that you will help us and donate again to maintain us another year. We depend on you, even though we cannot see you, and have no proof that you again will support us. But I hope you will join us in our hope that with your help great things will indeed come to pass.

Peace, and hope,

Paul Engler

9 L.A. teachers to go on hunger strike to protest layoffs

May 27, 2009 | 11:15 am

A group of teachers and community activists plans to start a hunger strike today in protest of the Los Angeles Unified School District’s plan to lay off thousands of teachers.

At least nine teachers and two activists will participate in the action, said Sean Leys, a Lincoln High School teacher who will take part in the fast.

Leys says the group is demanding a new budget from the district that will not include layoffs or class-size increases. It also wants the district use part of its federal stimulus money to avoid budget cuts.

Leys said the hunger strike will continue “until the layoffs happen or a new budget is released.” The teachers will work in their classrooms this week but “past that, we won’t be able to continue,” Leys said.

Participants plan to announce the hunger strike at 4:30 today outside Evelyn Thurman Gratts Elementary School near downtown L.A. At least 100 other teachers are considering joining the strike, Leys said.

A rally supporting the hunger strikers is planned for Saturday at 11 a.m. at the Centro Cultural Francisco Villa at 2100 Maple Ave. near downtown.

–Ruben Vives

Bus Riders Union on Day 6 of Hunger Strike Outside Union Station

By Zach Behren in LAist, on May 26.

Since last Thursday, a handful of Bus Rider Union members have camped out across from Union Station in weeklong hunger strike. Last night at 10 p.m., the atmosphere was jovial: music, singing, conversation, laughter. If it weren’t for the skyscrapers of downtown Los Angeles towering above, this was exactly what any campsite in the woods felt like. But here, there’s a message and that is of stopping Metro fare hikes that will begin in July.

“The idea is to basically show the MTA the conditions they are setting people with this fare increase,” explained Ronald Collins who has been fasting since last week. “For working class communities of color, that $13 is a meal, that $13 is added on top of rising cost of rent, the rising cost of school tuition, the rising cost of everything in our lives.”

On July 1st, new fares will be upped a quarter to $1.50 for one ride. Day passes will go up to $6 from $5, Weekly up $3 to $20 and monthly will increase $13 to $75. It’s the third fare hike in 15 years and compared to other major American cities, it’s still lower: New York and Chicago boardings cost $2.25 for a boarding.

Collins, however, is not taking it. “It’s not necessary, we know their budget has increased by $1 billion in the last three years,” he explained.

Bart Reed, who heads up the Transit Coalition, says that money is for capital projects. “It’s not fungible,” he exclaimed, noting that the state took $200 million from Metro this year. While other areas like Orange County cut service because of that raid, Metro used Measure R sales tax money to preserve it.

Reed thinks the fare increases are a better solution than cutting service, which Metro says would happen if they didn’t charge more money. “From where I live [in Sylmar] to the Red Line, the last service from Olive View Hospital goes there at 9 p.m. at night — that’s not acceptable. I rather have service ’til midnight when people get off work and pay a litlte bit more.”

Streets activist Stephen Box said any cuts just put more bicycles on the road. “Every single service cut leaves gaps which makes a cyclist’s contribution as a transportation solution even more signifiacnt because every human on a bike is a gap connector and increases the capacity of a complete transportation system, and that’s Metro’s mandate: to provide a transit sytem.”

The hunger strike will last through Thursday, when the Metro board is scheduled to meet next.

The Double Life of an Undocumented Student

by Erick Huerta

Once, when I was seven, I fell asleep in Michoacán and woke in Boyle Heights. No joke. Now I am a bewildered 26-year-old undocumented college student, whose life may become a slightly less surreal dream if the DREAM Act ever passes, but only slightly less so.

Sometimes I feel like a stressed-out comic book super hero, juggling multiple identities. Public opinion vilifies my kind, because people imagine that my kind spits venom or have two heads. The so-called public fears what it can’t comprehend. It’s as if people, collectively, have their fingers in their ears while yelling “lalalalala, I-can’t-hear-you,” but once you connect with them individually, one by one, they become open-minded, curious, smart… empathetic.

I guess I should be inspired by Superman, arguably the most accomplished of all “illegal aliens.” Literally, in his case, as he came from another planet as an infant because his parents wanted to give him a better life when his home world was annihilated. He landed on earth and was raised in the Midwest by a loving couple to become a symbol for truth, justice and the American way. Last time I checked, he was still working at the Daily Planet, getting by under the name of “Clark Kent.” I hope that the e-verify system doesn’t catch up with him someday; where would ICE deport him?

I’m no Superman, but sometimes I feel that’s about where the expectations are set. I’m the oldest of four and like any other first-generation immigrant child, I am the chosen one, the one who is supposed to bring balance to the force — er, to the family I mean — by overcoming adversity, getting a college education and a well-paying job. I’m the one forever cursed to translate for my parents so they can navigate a foreign system. You can imagine how disappointed my parents were when they figured out I wanted to be a writer instead of a doctor, teacher or police officer.

I have lived in Watts, South Central, Compton, Inglewood (up to no good), Long Beach, Pico Union and Boyle Heights. My understanding and mastery of the English language and pop-culture came from my third parent, television. The Simpsons, comic books and sitcoms taught me how to act, speak and think like an American. I didn’t understand who Jimmy Hoffa was, but I knew they buried him at Giants Stadium under the 50-yard line. I attended prison-modeled high schools that were right next to the projects, have high drop out rates and are made up of low-income Latino and African-American students. The only reason I graduated from high school on time was because I was one of those students that didn’t make the teacher cry. I sat quietly in my chair as classmates got into fights, smoked weed in class and raised hell. I am a poster child for the “soft bigotry of low expectations.”

I graduated high school in 2002 with suicidal tendencies because, as a band by that name sings, “all I wanted was a Pepsi.” That is, I wasn’t asking for a lot, I just wanted what everybody else seemed to have. It’s no joke — I’m not just saying I wanted to kill myself to be all “emo.”I was horribly depressed because all I had to look forward to in life was selling hot dogs, fruit and shaved ice in a cart my dad owned. Not to mention that a decade of internalized oppression and instilled fear of La Migra traumatized me. Unbeknownst to me, 2002 was the same year Assembly Bill 540 passed, which allows me to pay in-state tuition at a college because I’m a California high school graduate. I didn’t know about this law until I was handed an affidavit at East Los Angeles College in the fall of 2005. I became a journalism major, “el reportero de las ganas.” Slowly but surely, I was begging to find others like me. I read articles and saw their videos online. Tam Tram was the first undocumented student I ever saw speaking out openly — undocumented and unafraid. She gave me the courage to stop feeling bad for myself, to make the best of the situation and carry on. I wasn’t alone anymore.

I began finding more and more undocumented students as I shared my struggles online through blogs. I discovered group after group that was organizing for our rights and the DREAM Act. I finally had a place to belong, and friends that understand what it’s like to grow up as an undocumented American. I share my story regularly with high school kids because I know my words will resonate with others who are undocumented and afraid. I let them know they’re not alone and that things will get better if they continue their education. Despite lack of legal status, no one can take away our education.

It may not be easy, but we won’t be alone anymore and we will never give up the fight.

Erick Huerta is a journalism student at East Los Angeles College, DREAM Act activist, and community reporter for “Brooklyn & Boyle,” www.laeastside.com, www.lataco.com and his personal blog www.justarandomhero.blogspot.com.

I do not know where to start other than to be led by the Spirit, as is the foundation of all good direction. I do not know what to say until I speak to you without all the attachments of a friendship, especially one I esteem as high as ours. What a wonderful invitation to be asked to write to another.

To begin, I will say this path is not for everyone, or rather it is for everyone, but not everyone is able to walk it. Not everyone is ready. It might be frustrating that truths from our masters are specifically geared to the ears of the disciples – that truth is not so universal. Jesus, like many mystical masters, says seemingly contradictory things. They may seem confusing because they are geared to dramatically different needs of many different listeners. People might need to hear exactly the opposite things depending on where they are at in their journey. For example, Jesus might say to one, obey the commandments and with it “Honor your father and your mother.” (Matthew 19:17-19, Mark 10:17-19, Luke 8:18-21) And for another “For I came to set a man against his father, and a daughter against her mother, and a daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law; and a man’s enemies will be the members of his household.” (Matthew 10:34) He knows just what to say to move one to greater faith.

In my spiritual direction, I try to speak not just from one relative place but rather to evoke the whole journey — to orient the listener for all their travels but also light their way home after a night of drinking. It is one of the great problems to be open to the truth of direction even with ears that are not ready to listen. So, please listen so truths can be absorbed and stored into the recesses of memory. Your spirit will use the truths you hear in the moment they are needed.

I write principles that dramatically change as one grows in consciousness, from baby to adolescent, to old man. As our body matures so too does our mind, our heart, and our faith. One of the first great child psychologists, Piaget, proved in amazing experiments that a child’s entire worldviews change dramatically every few years. The basic concepts of our reality cannot be taught until a certain age or predictable stage of development is reached. Now there are scores of developmental psychologists that have scientifically proven through so many experiments the reality of this developmental progression and complexity that emerges over time in our cognitive ability as well as our faith. We do not have to be scared of this science of the mind— I assure you it only makes the gospel and the word of Christ come alive with greater depths. Our great teachings also have stages of development, which are actually in many ways more advanced than that of the relatively new fields of psychology and neuroscience. Our great teachers, our mystics, and of course Christ has much to teach these scientists, especially about the higher stages of development.

So there are stages of growth on this journey, call them what you will— growing discipleship, living more fully in Christ, growing in faith, stages of prayer. And among many of the great psychological masters of our tradition, I must give great gratitude for the experience of Saint John of the Cross and Saint Theresa de Avila for one of the most complex and clear explanations of these stages of prayer.

In a nut shell, if you really want God, you can always go deeper. There is always more to give God; there is always more to die too. There is always more humility and receptivity, until we are like Saint Paul— “I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me.”( Galatians 2:20) But, in all honesty, the level of purification of this stage where we are led entirely by the spirit and not our own will, thoughts, and intentions is not fit for the beginner. We all must start from a place where almost everything we do is of our own making—our own will—even if that too is directed by God without our knowing. We are still really led by our own selfish desires. Here too Saint Paul is so clear in stating, “For I do not understand my own actions. For I do not do what I want, but I do the very thing I hate.” (Romans 7:15) We are powerless over most of ourselves. But what we do have the power to direct our will to is itself of immense importance. Through some effort we can receive so much from outside of ourselves. And hence this is the one of the greatest of all the contradictions of our tradition.

Our growth is not directed by us; it is by grace that we receive it. It is a sheer gift not at all proportional to our effort. Yet, it is only by tremendous effort that most of can receive it. It is by single-pointed effort that grace is received, by the incredible focus of our faith. As Jesus said in the greatest commandment: “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind.” (Matthew 22:37) The experience of all the great saints, disciples, and of Saint Paul will attest that grace and salvation in this world is received not all at once (no matter how powerful our initial conversion) but time and again if we are ready to receive. Being ready to receive is a moment to moment practice of surrender like that of an alert newly-wed wife waiting for her bridegroom on the wedding night (Matthew 25:1-7) — or a servant waiting attentively for their master to return (Luke 12:37). It is a prayer practice like that which Saint Paul describes in his admonition to “pray without ceasing.” (1 Thessalonians 5:17)

This effort might seem unbearable to surrender every second all day long, to wait moment to moment while the rest shall be added — it seems like an unbearable focus to the exclusion of everything else. For beginners, it is hard to believe it is even possible that our interior lives can be solely focused on God, with little or no compulsive thought. But I assure you there are practices and disciplines which will make these ideals real within years — wherever you are at you can begin daily prayer practice and move toward un-ceasing prayer. But this we will explore later.

The gist of what I am saying here in this first letter is that most all of us can go so much deeper. A whole new world of faith is there. I believe sainthood is available, and now more than ever –we can be these disciples, these divine beings in Christ. We can experience the fruits of the Spirit, more than we have already in glimpses, temporary states of consciousness, and spiritual experiences. And with the fruits of the Spirit also come a variety of supernatural powers, which we are not to speak too much to avoid creating too much selfish attachment and pride in them. There are some that can speak of these stages of contemplation, of being that is led more than most can imagine by the inspiration of the Spirit and without the attachment to our selves in the flesh.

Great is the time that has allowed the great Christian mystical traditions to be revived – and reconfirmed with knowledge of modern science and psychology. This high state of consciousness that is living in Christ is now something we can measure and test and speak of clearly—it is a state with little or no compulsive thought, of fear, or selfish attachment, a state of living in an interior silent place led by the Spirit. Then we shall know what it is to be the mystical body of Christ experientially. But is not to be understood intellectually— in fact it cannot be known through the mind; it must be experienced. And the only way to teach it is through articulation of ones own experience, for which the tradition can give language.

Although there are exceptions, few that I know are able to reach these stages without the intense sustained practice of contemplative prayer. These are technologies of sorts, very powerful methods, which have very specific effects on consciousness. These disciplines have been refined over thousands of years with an understanding of the unfolding of the experience. Even in my own limited practice and spiritual direction, I have seen dozens and dozens respond to Centering Prayer, constant petition, welcoming prayer, active prayer sentence, and other prayer forms from the contemplative tradition. This has formed so many patterns for growth, so many insights that are practical as well as theological.

Regular church folk, in standard and contemporary prayer and worship practices of the Christian tradition, whether Evangelical prayer or the mass of “high church”, may get glimpses of these stages of development — but there is little comparison to the felt experience received through a committed contemplative practice. The common activities of church worship have their own benefits, but the journey of one that engages in prolonged contemplative prayer and silence is different, and it is deeper. If you choose to commit to this journey, you will experience very concrete growth through stages in your faith, your consciousness will change, and the mystics of our tradition will come alive to you. You will taste the spirit, instead of trying to understand it. But it is a commitment and a daily practice that not everyone is ready for.